Peter Eichstaedt photo.
Sunday, February 5, 2006
A donor-nation darling, Uganda is backsliding
By Peter Eichstaedt
Kampala, Uganda -- Sporting sunglasses, black T-shirts, and camouflage pants, heavily armed
soldiers known as the Black Mambas stormed the Uganda high court in November.
This commando unit of Uganda's military intelligence had been sent to "re-arrest" some of the 23
prisoners accused of treason who moments earlier had been granted bail.
Chief among the prisoners was Kizza Besigye, the only person in Uganda capable of mounting any
meaningful political opposition to Yoweri Museveni, who has guided Uganda for the past 20 years of
peace and relative prosperity.
Besigye heads the Forum for Democratic Change political party and earlier had just finished a
campaign swing through rural Uganda, where he drew large crowds hoping to cast ballots in Uganda's
Feb. 23 national election.
As Besigye's entourage entered a crowded roundabout south of the capital, Ugandan military police
pounced, arrested him, and threw him in jail. Besides treason, Besigye was charged, dubiously, with a
1997 rape of a college student. Both charges carry the death penalty.
The arrest set off riots in the capital, which left many injured, vehicles destroyed, and stores looted.
Although he was released on Jan. 2 after 50 days behind bars and has returned to the campaign trail,
Besigye's arrest typifies how some African counties, considered foreign aid success stories, are
backsliding from democracy toward one-man rule and potential civil war.
Ethiopia was hailed for settling a decades-old war with Eritrea, but because of months of civil unrest
after a contested election in May and a vicious crackdown on the political opposition, it may be edging
toward a renewed conflict.
Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe, who rules a country that was once a major agricultural exporter, has
driven the nation into despair by quashing opposition and violently seizing farms for his so-called war
veterans who revert them to plots of land for subsistence farming.
In Rwanda, rebel-turned-president, Paul Kagame, who some blame for triggering the bloody
massacres there, maintains power with an iron grip.
Leaders in these countries are former rebel fighters who came to power through violent means. And
while the countries may have the trappings of democracy, a peaceful transfer of power has yet to
occur.
Museveni rose to power in 1986 after a succession of dictators in Uganda, including the country's
most notorious dictator, Idi Amin.
After being elected president to two consecutive terms, Museveni faced the end of his political career
due to constitutionally imposed term limits. Instead of stepping aside, Museveni pressured parliament
into removing the term limits.
Uganda has made huge strides under Museveni. It has a thriving economy, a functioning democratic
government and is justifiably a darling of the United States and European donor nations.
Uganda has tried to capitalize on its positive image by running a series of costly advertisements on
CNN touting its wildlife and gorilla viewing parks under the slogan, "gifted by nature." Once called the
pearl of Africa by Winston Churchill, Uganda's luster has tarnished.
In August, the independent Global Fund for AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria suspended $367 million
in grants to Uganda.
Investigators found that $45 million intended to battle the AIDS epidemic that has ravaged the country
had been funneled to nonprofit agencies created by the politically well-connected. Program managers
had been handpicked and paid huge salaries, even by Western standards.
The grants were recently restored after local fund management was turned over to an international
firm, but the investigations continue and arrests have been made.
Uganda's most glaring problem is in the north with the Lord's Resistance Army, which has terrorized
northern Uganda and southern Sudan for as long as Museveni has been in power.
Led by the ubiquitous Joseph Kony, the Lord's Resistance Army has kidnapped thousands of boys
and girls, forcing them into their ranks as child soldiers and sex slaves. Those who resist are killed or
maimed, driving more than 1 million Ugandans into semi-permanent refugee camps.
The International Criminal Court based in the Hague has issued indictments against Kony and his
lieutenants for war crimes and crimes against humanity, but no arrests are pending.
Museveni has often visited the northern regions and apologized to those in the camps for their
suffering. On a recent visit, he blamed the endless war on foreign governments for failing to give
Uganda enough money to defeat the Lord's Resistance Army.
However, Besigye has alluded to what many suspect: the Lord's Resistance Army continues to exist
because it attracts millions in foreign aid funds, some of which may find its way into the pockets of
corrupt military and civilian officials.
The problem of the Lord's Resistance Army continues to fester. The killing of aid workers in November
prompted a pullout by aid agencies. Lord's Army fighters then killed a British man assisting an
expedition as it traveled up the Nile and through rebel territory. The attack dealt a devastating blow
Uganda's fledgling tourism business. Museveni has found that the presence of terror groups can be
useful.
Besigye is charged with being part of an obscure group called the People's Redemption Army, which
supposedly was buying arms, recruiting and forging links to the Lord's Army.
Besigye fled to South Africa after he lost his bid for the Ugandan presidency in 2001 to Museveni, but
returned in October.
Besigye, who fought along side Museveni and was his personal doctor, may be his own worst enemy.
On his arrival, he announced that armed conflict was possible if he lost this year's election.
Condemnation by foreign governments of Besigye's arrest and the subsequent suspension of foreign
aid has had little effect. Taking a cue from Zimbabwe's Mugabe, Museveni repeatedly has warned the
foreign community to stay out of Uganda's politics.
He recently told a political rally that regardless of democratic mandates, he may not resign if he is
defeated. "You don't just tell the freedom fighter to go (away) like you are chasing a chicken thief from
the house," he said.
Besigye is now back on the campaign trail, and his strong showing in a recent poll shows he is a
serious contender, fueling speculation of a run-off election in March. But, after 50 days behind bars
and his continuing court appearances, he is clearly at the mercy of the Museveni government.
As Museveni wheels his ship of state down the bumpy road toward Uganda's national elections, it is
increasingly apparent that democracy may soon be visible only in the rearview mirror.
Peter Eichstaedt is a journalist in Uganda with the Institute for War and Peace Reporting - Africa.
Contact us at insight@sfchronicle.com.
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